HOPES
1. I am grateful to Shehu Musa Yar Adua
Foundation, Ford Foundation and OSIWA - the co-
sponsors of this event for your kind invitation. I
commend your foresight in convening this
conference, the first major conference discussing
Biafra outside of Igboland. Nigeria. In hosting this
conference the Yar’Adua Centre, which is best
known for promoting national cohesion, honours
the legacy of a great patriot: Shehu Musa Yar
Adua. He died building bridges of understanding
across our nation. I salute his family and
associates for sustaining the legacy of Shehu
through the works of this Foundation.
2. It is significant that you have chosen to
harvest sober memories of Biafra. By so doing,
you help us to wisely situate today’s talks of
Biafra in the proper context: namely, as an
opportunity for nation building; and not - as an
invitation for invectives or recrimination.
3. 50 years ago, Nigeria faced disintegration by
the declaration of the Republic of Biafra. Biafra
was born out of the political crisis which engulfed
Nigeria at that time. The crisis began with the
struggle for leadership in the Western Region of
Nigeria, the declaration of state of emergency in
the West, the coup of January 1966, the counter
coup of July 1966, the pogroms, the declaration
of Biafra and the commencement of a police
action that turned into a three years civil war.
4. I hope that our gathering today may contribute
to the body of knowledge or body of lessons from
the war. Lest we forget, there is wisdom in the
words of George Santayana that: those who do
not know their history are doomed to repeat it.
That is why I thank you for the chance for us to
collectively remember, reflect, hope and seek ways
to build anew.
5. My most heartfelt reflection is that in the
Nigeria-Biafra conflict, we can and should
acknowledge the sacrifice - in blood, suffering and
toil - by millions of citizens on both sides of that
divide. They shared a common hope for their
sacrifice: namely, that out of that war, we shall
build a nation where no man is oppressed. The
only difference was that for one side, Nigeria was
that nation. For the other it was Biafra.
6. Let us spare a thought for every victim of that
conflict and the crises before that: the leaders
and the soldiers, ordinary men, women and
children. Each one loved life; had hopes and
dreamt dreams. They died prematurely and often,
painfully.
7. For those of us that survived the war and
others who came afterwards, we are both heirs to
the sacrifices of fallen brethren. Let us commit
ourselves today and always to their hopes for
peace and justice. Anytime that we are violent,
anytime that we are unjust in the exercise of our
public trust, anytime we lower the ideals of this
nation, we betray them; and we act as if they
died in vain. As we honour their memory, today
my worry is not only about the rising feeling of
marginalization of Igbos or any other group but
that our nation may emerge from this conflict a
more united and prosperous country.
8. At the end of the war, in spite of a policy of no
victor no vanquished by the Government of
General Yakubu Gowon, an unconscionable policy
of impoverishment of Biafrans was unleashed by
the federal government. Every bank deposit of
Biafrans that had encountered a transaction
whether by deposit or withdrawal was reduced to
£20. Massive savings were completely wiped out.
Capacity for investment and recovery from the
war was shattered. Whilst this poverty pervaded,
the Indigenisation Decree was promulgated
enabling other Nigerians, except Biafrans to
acquire commanding heights in the indigenised
companies which held at that time the critical
and commanding heights of Nigeria’s private
economy.
9. Nevertheless, on the issue of reconciliation, we
must give due credit to the resilience of the
people from the war affected areas and the
generosity of millions of other Nigerians that
opened their hearts and homes to their friends
and neighbours that were victims of war. In many
ways, it was by these incredible citizen to citizen
relationships that Nigeria achieved one of the
most remarkable post-conflict people to people
reconciliation and reintegration in modern times.
10. Before the war national unity was the norm. A
Biafran was a member of Northern Nigeria House
of Chiefs. Biafrans lived freely and invested in all
parts of Nigeria. In Lagos Dr Azikiwe was elected
leader of Government Business. Mbonu Ojike was
elected Deputy Speaker. In Enugu Alhaji Umoru
Altine, a Fulani man was elected Mayor of Enugu.
Mr Willougby a Yoruba man, was Accountant
General.
11. On the economic front, the economy was
buoyant. Import substitution industries grew
rapidly and were more profitable. In the North,
groundnut production and export fuelled economic
growth. Textile industries flourished, agriculture
boomed. Ahmadu Bello University thrived with
outstanding international reputation.
12. In Lagos and the entire Western Region
growth was phenomenal. Cocoa was a
dependable foreign exchange earner. Cement, soft
drinks, rubber, beer, soap and other import
substitution industries grew phenomenally. Lagos,
Ibadan and Ife housed universities of world
standards. The first television station in black
Africa was built. The first stadium in Nigeria was
also built in the West.
13. In the Eastern Region palm produce grew the
Eastern economy. Coal was mined and exported.
Beer, cement, cashew nuts, tyres, aluminium,
steel and soft drink factories grew rapidly.
University of Nigeria was built and run by
Americans.
14. Reflecting on 50 years after the Nigeria-Biafra
conflict, it would seem to me that we have made
very elaborate efforts: constitutional, political and
administrative to ensure a united Nigeria. We
must not shy away from giving our nation its due
credit, after all, some other societies with
challenges like ours did not fare as well as we
did.
15. However, we should not rest on our oars.
Unity is not an end in itself; and ultimately, the
best way to sustain our unity is to apply it to
achieve a higher objective; namely, nation
building.
16. Our political system is jaundiced, unfair,
exploitative and unsustainable. Since attainment
of independence the civilians have not been able
to agree on a political structure. Our present
constitution and the previous 1979 constitution
were impositions of the military – an
unrepresentative and dictatorial corps whose
decrees were seriously influenced by the lop-
sidedness of their composition.
17. The economic and development data from
Nigeria is unencouraging in many sectors. Our
law and order system including the police, the
court system and the penal system has been
characterised by impunity, incompetence and
indiscipline.
18. On the global Terrorism Index Nigeria ranks
3rd after Iraq and Afghanistan and ahead of
Pakistan and Syria. The World Economic Forum
ranks Nigeria 127 out of 138 on the Global
Competitiveness Index. The UNESCO ranks
Nigeria with Chad, Pakistan and Ethiopia as the
worst educational system in the world. Nigeria,
according to the report, has the highest number
of children out of school and one of the world's
worst education systems due to a combination of
corruption, conflict and lack of investment. In the
Human Development Index of the United Nations
Development Program, Nigeria ranks 152 out of
188 countries and is the lowest among OPEC
countries. The data points to a bleak future as we
march to post-oil world without a coherent plan
to reduce conflict and build a new national
consensus.
19. On the positive side, there is a global
consensus that Nigeria is highly potentiated. With
a population of about 182 million people, by
current estimates; and with our vast mineral and
material resources; a well-organized Nigeria
should be a land of plenty that supports its
people and a leader in the comity of nations.
Sadly, this is not the case.
20. Almost every Nigerian is agreed that Nigeria
is not working but there is no clear consensus on
why; or on what to do about it. Some say that it
is merely a problem of leadership and once that is
fixed all other things will fall in place. Others say
that it is a problem of corruption. Once you tackle
that, everything will be fine. Others have said that
our problem is one of law and order; some say it
is more fundamental and has to do with control
of resources, structure of the Federation and thus
requires more equitable sharing of revenue and
the devolution of powers. Others say it can be
fixed with power rotation and a more level playing
field. It has been said that it could be a bit of all
of the above; and that Nigeria cannot be fixed
without a fundamental change of values and
attitudes. Whatever the case, it will not profit us
to pretend that we do not face existential
challenges.
21. These challenges are worrisome; especially to
our younger ones who must face the fact that the
next 50 years could be even more challenging and
there is a good chance that we could be left
behind if we fail to take action today. For
instance, it is estimated in some quarters, that by
2050 – that is in 33 years’ time – Nigeria could
be the 4th most populous country in the world.
That means that Nigeria, which is just twice the
size of Texas; would be more populous than all
the United States of America. Meanwhile, as of
today, we have a GDP that is barely 2% of that of
the United States.
22. At the same time, in the years ahead, we
could face very severe ecological challenges that
will impact negatively on our economy. The
desert is encroaching southwards at a speed of
up to 6 km per annum. Thus within 33 years we
could lose about 200 km of land to the desert -
across the north. This can only exacerbate
competition for arable land in the north and
elsewhere – with dire political consequences.
23. In the South East, we could expect more
ecologically-induced dislocation. For instance, the
government of Anambra State estimates that
about 40% of the State is threatened by erosion.
In the South-South, by 2050 we could be dealing
with the reality of a post-oil economy and yet
have massive environmental degradation that is
yet unattended to. There is also the possibility
that much of the mangrove ecosystem could be
lost to deforestation. Lagos could have a
population of up to 50 million people and face
unbearable challenges of massive urbanization.
24. We must become more responsive to the
world around us, or we and our children will be
left behind. These are some of the fears and
anxieties of our youths. We have for too long
allowed the bitterness of the war and its lingering
feelings to dictate our political relationships. The
coalition that fought the war is still in control of
Nigeria engaging in rhetoric that fuelled the war in
managing renascent Nigeria. The young men and
women who were not part of the war are
frustrated by this impasse.
25. Those who are in the East fuel strong
agitations for separation in the face of clear
treatment as second class citizens. War is the
primary instrument of military dictatorship while
negotiation and agreement are the essential
ingredients of civilian democracy and political
diplomacy. Nations are not created and sustained
by street warfare. The federal government of
Nigeria must instruct its police and army to
promulgate a ceasefire and disengage from
further unproductive street warfare with IPOB and
MASSOB. There are no problems which cannot be
resolved by negotiation.
26. We do not want any more wars. We have
shed enough blood without producing
corresponding political results. 50 years after
Biafra the time is now overripe for a fresh
approach. We must immediately commence
discussions and fruitful negotiations about our
political future. In the era of assymetrical warfare,
war is no more an easy option for states,
therefore we must negotiate our way out of a
sense of national despair to a new national
consensus that unlocks our national possibilities.
27. Nigeria, blessed as the richest and the most
popular nation in Africa has enormous potentials.
Every part of Nigeria can survive as an
independent country. The North with its mineral
and agricultural potentials can build a strong
nation. The West with its cocoa, oil, indomitable
intellectual know how and commerce can build
another Britain. The South South with its oil,
notwithstanding its declining economic potency
can transform its area before oil ceases to be a
major foreign exchange earner. The East with
industry, outstanding innovation and little oil may
still emerge as the African wonder. But none of
these little enclaves will rival the capacity of a
united and reconciled Nigeria. We must all rise up
and save this nation from a trajectory that will
make a break up a more viable option.
28. The challenges ahead are beyond Biafra. Just
like the challenge in North East Nigeria exploded
in our face and has engaged our nation for almost
9 years; we could face challenges anywhere and
anytime. In my view, if we fail to build a nation
that caters fairly for all its citizens; and prepares
us for the world of tomorrow – there will be new
challenges in the future.
29. We must find creative ways to manage a
complex multi-ethnic and multi-religious state.
History teaches us that no society is static; the
status quo cannot endure forever. We must find
creative ways to promote political, economic and
social justice within a nation and between the
people that comprise it. If not, then we are
invariably opening the doors to future threats of
chaos, disorder and societal dislocation.
30. The final challenge of our generation is to
show that we learnt the right lesson from that
sad conflict of 50 years ago. We must bequeath
our children with a nation that works for all and
one that looks ahead. We want a Federal Republic
of Nigeria which is collectively owned by all
Nigerians as opposed to a Federal Republic that
will be perceived as a the private property of one
group or groups of ethnic groups depending on
who is in office. The categorical destination is a
Nigerian Nigeria under the collective hegemony of
the people of Nigeria. In order to achieve this we
must have a flexible federation; strong enough to
guarantee our collective defence and protect
individual rights, agile enough to react to
emerging tensions and threats, yet expansive
enough to allow each state room to develop at its
own pace. We must create a national order
whereby each state bears the primary
responsibility for its development.
31. Today majority of Nigerians are yearning for a
restructuring of the federation. The beneficiaries
of our current system are resisting it. A famous
British Prime Minister in the wake of nationalist
struggles in colonial Africa said to the British
‘there is a wind of change blowing throughout
Africa. Those who resist it do so at their own
peril’.
32. Nigeria cannot prosper, as it should, unless
we redress some aspects of our current condition.
I believe we have enough men and women of
vision and experience, in every part of the country,
to help us plot a bright future. I commit Ohaneze
Ndigbo to this path. It may be difficult but it is
doable.
33. True leadership evolves in historical
circumstances like this. Our country is at cross
roads. You can feel the tension every day. It is
palpable, it is potent, it is real. Let us wake up to
the change imperative at this moment and claim
a glorious judgment by History.
34. Thank You for your kind attention
JOHN NNIA NWODO
PRESIDENT GENERAL, OHANEZE NDIGBO
ABUJA 25TH MAY, 2017
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